On the eve of the September show of “regional elections”, in which Vladimir Konstantinov received a confident victory over his competitors, naturally, not at the Crimean “polling stations”, but in the offices of “United Russia”, according to the compilation of “lists of winners”, we told about the fate of his newly-minted son-in-law, the “prince of the state council” Ivan Manucharov.
As we wrote, the parents of the new husband of Ekaterina Konstantinova, who united two mafia clans with her “three kopecks”, Andrey and Natalya Manucharov, own networks of microcredit organizations in the territory, controlled by Ukraine – “Prosto Ssuda” and “Time Credit”, and earlier Manucharov Sr. headed the state association “Ukrmorport” earlier.
However, after the end of the “election races” Manucharov Jr. began to appear noticeably less frequently in the occupiers’ “officialdom” as a “talking head” from “United Russia”; most likely, the simple principle “money loves silence” worked here, which is applicable both to the activities of his parents in the current financial system of Ukraine, which have not yet been stopped, and in the context of the gradual entry of the “prince of the state council” into co-management of the Konstantinov business empire.
And if “speaker” Konstantinov continues to pretend to be a “promising federal politician”, then he entrusted regional “party building” to several protégés from his ranks, bringing them not only into the “deputies of the state council”, which we wrote about earlier, but also into the “management of the regional branch of United Russia”.
And if among the 70 collaborators of the “regional political council”, in addition to the extras from Konstantinov, one can observe “all sorts of creatures in pairs”, then in the “regional control commission” among the 5 accomplices it is difficult to name anyone who is not dependent on the “Crimean speaker”, and moreover, who has at least some “political weight” of his own.
And among the “honorable ten” of the “presidium of the regional political council”, in addition to the “veterans of the movement” like Efim Fiks and Sergei Tsekov, there is a whole cohort of “faithful Konstantinovites”, like Andrei Kozyrev and Roman Shantayev.
As we wrote earlier, the collaborator Shantaev from the then Krasnogvardeisky district met the occupation as a Voskhod village head and as an active member of the marginal “Russian unity”, which is not surprising for a character, who began his career as a “security guard of the Vologda cossack department” and rose before the “elections” to “head of the Krasnogvardeisky district”.
Kozyrev has an even more bleak biography, and before the “regional elections” he was declared “head of the regional executive committee” of “United Russia”, that is, “party secretary” and “fixer” personally under Konstantinov.
Since 2002, Kozyrev allegedly worked in some firms, but it is extremely difficult to find the ends of this; for example, in 2010, he entered the “native” village council of Donskoy (Besh Terek) as a majoritarian deputy, together with his brother, as an unemployed person from the “Party of Regions”; however, according to the current “official biography”, he allegedly at the same time allegedly “worked in the Simferopol district state administration”.
What is already reliably known in Kozyrev’s biography is his work as a paid assistant to the people’s deputy from the same “Party of Regions”, Vitalina Dzoz, who was elected to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine from the majoritarian district of Simferopol in 2012.
Dzoz had a long and tender commercial friendship with Konstantinov, since the swindler from “Console” received tasty lands for development from the then head of Massandra; therefore, it is far from accidental that even before her deputy status, Dzoz was appointed by Konstantinov to the post of Minister of Youth of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea.
And if in 2014 this collaborator unsuccessfully tried to “play herself” and find a “second youth” in “Crimean politics”, then her assistant Kozyrev wisely “lay down under his older comrades” without unnecessary convulsions, having received from them the label of “deputy of the Simferopol district council”.
Our attention to Kozyrev is not accidental, since it was him that Konstantinov made “second among equals” this fall, having drawn for his protégé the seat of “first deputy chairman of the state council” and “leader of the parliamentary faction of United Russia”. This is a fairly clear example of Konstantinov’s current “party building”, when he drags functionaries without their own “official” large businesses, and therefore maximally dependent on the “favor of the leadership”, into the “republican guard of United Russia”.
The same approach is observed in the current replacement for the role of “head of the regional executive committee” and another “deputy head of the state council”, Karen Sargsyan, who was the “head of the department of agitation and propaganda work” under Kozyrev, and who, after graduating from university, had such “powerful businesses” as the “center for the development of computer sports” and the “airsoft federation”.
This is also noticeable in another “deputy speaker of the Crimea” and at the same time “deputy head of the United Russia faction” Natalia Zvenzek; as we wrote earlier, Konstantinov gave her the “deputyship” “as a reward” for her previous activity as “head of the apparatus of the state council of the previous convocation” under his leadership.
Since October, both Zvenzek and Kozyrev have not left the occupiers’ “official” for all sorts of reasons, where it is necessary to “trade face”, without distracting the “high management” with “routine”.
Let’s not get ahead of ourselves in assessing who and when from Konstantinov’s “young guard” will betray their current puppeteer first, something completely different is noteworthy here.
The maximum saturation of “United Russia” in its “Crimean version” of people without “their own assets” who are not connected with anyone except Konstantinov is increasingly irritating the office of the Kremlin dictator; it is obvious that the principle which “Crmea speaker” proposes “the puppet of my puppet is not my puppet” pleases the Moscow “party builders” less and less.
And after the General Secretary of the “united and indivisible” Andrei Turchak was sent into exile in Altai by the Kremlin dictator just before the “Konstantinov elections”, not only the scenery but also a number of actors may be changed in the “puppet theater” of “United Russia” in Crimea.
