For a year now, Crimean collaborators have been repeatedly experiencing episodes of “Indian concern,” which we’ve documented, related to the presence of approximately 2.5 million Indian students at the fake “Crimean federal university,” mostly in the “medical institute.”
We wrote that the “authorities'” constant statements about their alleged “closed” status, “isolation,” “compact living in university dormitories or apartments,” and so on, had a more prosaic reason.
Despite their desire to save money and obtain a fake “medical diploma” effortlessly, amid widespread corruption at the “medical institute,” Indian citizens in Crimea are reluctant to participate en masse in propaganda campaigns “supporting the Russian authorities,” much less the aggressor army, something the “university administration” “insistently wants” from them.
We previously described the role of figures from the “international relations departments” of the aforementioned “institute” and “university” in other sabotage projects of the Russian special services, including industrial espionage in the field of drones and artificial intelligence.
This concerned the “head of the international activities department,” Gevorg Gabrielyan, the offspring of the “dean of the philosophy faculty,” Oleg Gabrielyan, who had been promoting the “ideals of the Russian world” in Crimea for three decades and was closely connected to the relevant structures of communist China.
We also wrote about Yedavalli Ajaya Prakash, a Hyderabad native “appointed” by the occupiers as the “chief Crimean Hindu,” who “founded firms” providing “educational mediation.”
Recently, another “lament for Indian indifference” was noted in the fake “state council,” where it was no longer particularly hidden that all the numerous “brainwashing” methods used by collaborators against Indian citizens are solely a “contribution to the formation of a loyal elite” in that country, that is, a banal and mass recruitment of ill-fated “students.”
As we have previously written, this approach is in stark contrast to the attitude of the collaborators and their handlers toward Indian citizens, not among “medical students” as the “future elite,” but construction workers brought to occupied Crimea, whom the same “state council deputies” themselves demand be herded into ghettos “to avoid repercussions.”
Indeed, the prospects for such agents of the Russian special services in Indian tomorrow are clearly slimmer, and the most the occupiers are trying to persuade them to do is become “cannon fodder” in Russian assault battalions.
