The apparent flight of the Russian occupiers from the right-bank Kherson region by November 10, as expected, became a trigger for panic among both ordinary Russian invaders and within the framework of the “power vertical”.
And if in the occupied territories the invaders’ “talking heads” were still waiting for the next “Kremlin manuals” to speak in the new reality, then in Moscow the topic of the “negative offensive” was decided to “saddle” by the “Duma communists”, who “decided to remember” that they supposedly are “an opposition”.
Therefore, a group of these “followers of Lenin” prepared some kind of “protocol order” in which it was proposed that the Russian ministry of defense tell the duma “about the strategic plan to leave the bridgehead on the right bank of the Dnieper River and the regional center of the Kherson region without a fight.”
Thus, the “communists”, in their traditionally criminal style, decided to appear to the “patriotic” population of the aggressor as “more bloody, but fairer than Putin”.
But this is not remarkable, but that in the “protocol order” Duma deputies Yevgen Bessonov, Nikolai Kolomeytsev and Aleksey Kurinny directly stated that, according to their assessment, “leaving the city of Kherson” would allow the Ukrainian Army “to force the Russian armed forces to move away from the water line of the left bank without a fight of the Dnieper River for 30-40 kilometers, create conditions for the fire destruction of the land corridor to Crimea”, to “stop the supply of water through the Crimean Canal” to the occupied peninsula and “thus create conditions for the further movement of the armed forces of the Russian Federation from the Kherson and Zaporizhzhya regions and exit of the Armed Forces of Ukraine directly to the territory” of Crimea, with “possible control of this territory by Ukraine”.
It is predicted that the state duma did not support such a request, although in addition to the Communists, a number of deputies of the ruling party of the Kremlin also “recorded support for the appeal by voting”.
In essence, this means that the Russian “communists” and the “sympathizers” who joined them begin “safety training” for a situation where more or less adequate, and therefore “post-war” elections will be possible in Russia, in which the current pocket “opposition” of the Kremlin will begin to speculate on “the imperialist regime of Putin that lost the war”, as well as the phantom pains of the “Russian imperialists” about the de-occupied Crimea at that time.
